These two well-educated women also played a central role in the regime of Democratic Kampuchea. The party leadership endorsed armed struggle against the government, then led by Sihanouk. In its general contours, Samphan's work reflected the influence of a branch of the " dependency theory " school,[ citation needed ] which blamed lack of development in the Third World on the economic domination of the industrialized nations. The Khmer Rouge also established "liberated" areas in the south and the southwestern parts of the country, where they operated independently of the North Vietnamese. Pol Pot had shortly before been put on a list of 34 leftists who were summoned by Sihanouk to join the government and sign statements saying Sihanouk was the only possible leader for the country. According to the historian David P. After the end of the war, he moved to Phnom Penh under Tou Samouth's "urban committee", where he became an important point of contact between above-ground parties of the left and the underground secret communist movement.
In the September election, it won about four percent of the vote, but did not secure a seat in the legislature. His ally Nuon Chea , also known as Long Reth, became deputy general secretary, but Pol Pot and Ieng Sary were named to the Political Bureau to occupy the third and the fifth highest positions in the renamed party's hierarchy. This pivotal event remains shrouded in mystery because its outcome has become an object of contention and considerable historical rewriting between pro-Vietnamese and anti-Vietnamese Khmer communist factions. Inside, the group was still run by the Cercle Marxiste. Documents uncovered from the Soviet archives revealed that the invasion was launched at the explicit request of the Khmer Rouge following negotiations with Nuon Chea. This would then be used as a route to achieve rapid social transformation and industrial and technological development without assistance from foreign powers, a process the party characterised as a Super Great Leap Forward. By June, three months after the removal of Sihanouk, they had swept government forces from the entire northeastern third of the country. After the end of the war, he moved to Phnom Penh under Tou Samouth's "urban committee", where he became an important point of contact between above-ground parties of the left and the underground secret communist movement. Due in part to secrecy and changes in the regime's presentation of itself, academic interpretations of its political position within Marxist thought vary widely,  ranging from interpreting it as the "purest" Marxist-Leninist movement to characterising it as an anti-Marxist "peasant revolution". Pol Pot had shortly before been put on a list of 34 leftists who were summoned by Sihanouk to join the government and sign statements saying Sihanouk was the only possible leader for the country. The name change is significant. As the insurgency grew stronger, the party finally openly declared itself to be the Communist Party of Kampuchea. He was reportedly impressed with the self sufficient manner in which the mountain tribes of Cambodia lived, which the party interpreted as a form of primitive communism. This experience is considered to have been a turning point in their ideological development. Pol Pot and Chou Chet were the only people on the list who escaped. According to a document issued after the reorganization, the VWP would continue to "supervise" the smaller Laotian and Cambodian movements. Almost without exception, all of the earliest party members were Vietnamese. The Nixon administration, although thoroughly aware of the weakness of Lon Nol's forces and loath to commit American military force to the new conflict in any form other than air power, announced its support for the newly proclaimed Khmer Republic. The Khmer Rouge also established "liberated" areas in the south and the southwestern parts of the country, where they operated independently of the North Vietnamese. Despite friendly relations between Norodom Sihanouk and the Chinese, the latter kept Pol Pot's visit a secret from Sihanouk. For the next two years, the insurgency grew as Sihanouk did very little to stop it. In , several small-scale attempts at insurgency were made by the CPK but they had little success. Khieu Samphan returned from Paris in , taught as a member of the law faculty of the University of Phnom Penh and started a left-wing French-language publication, L'Observateur. For example, the research stresses that, despite having a strong legal framework to prevent and protect children from sexual exploitation, Cambodia does not allocate enough funding or training to combat it; Cambodia remains a source, transit and destination for the trafficking of children for sexual purposes; child, early and forced marriages are still occurring in rural areas; and the online sexual exploitation of children appears to be on the rise. Though North Vietnam had not been informed of the decision, its forces provided shelter and weapons to the Khmer Rouge after the insurgency started. The party's appeal to indigenous Khmers appears to have been minimal.
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